WASHINGTON – The
incoming Senate Democratic leadership declared yesterday
that President Bush's trade agenda is dead unless
administration negotiators come up with deals that provide
greater protection for U.S. workers and the environment.
Sen. Harry Reid of Nevada, the newly elected majority
leader, and three of his top lieutenants signaled a shift
in the historically pro-free-trade stance of the Senate.
They denounced most past agreements for lacking tough and
enforceable sanctions against governments that exploit
labor and natural resources.
Meeting with reporters over breakfast, the quartet
promised to scuttle future accords that fail to crack down
on trading partners that seek commercial advantage by
underpaying workers and despoiling natural resources.
Most free traders, including many Republicans, say
using trade deals to police such practices actually ends
up harming the U.S. economy.
Trade experts said the tough line laid down by the four
could doom pending bilateral free-trade agreements with
Peru and Colombia; the 15-year-old Andean Trade Preference
Act designed to combat drug trafficking; a decades-old
program intended to promote economic growth in poor
countries by leveling U.S. duties on more than 4,600
products; and the already beleaguered negotiations on a
new global free-trade agreement.
Recalling his support 13 years ago for the North
American Free Trade Agreement, Sen. Dick Durbin of
Illinois echoed the widely held view among politicians and
trade analysts that NAFTA's side agreements on protecting
labor rights and the environment have been ineffectual.
“I feel betrayed,” said Durbin, who will hold the
second-highest rung in the Senate leadership ladder as
majority whip.
“Many of us believe globalization is as inevitable as
gravity. But we have to move forward if we are going to
have trade agreements with something that is sensible for
American workers and businesses and for the future of our
planet,” Durbin said.
Reid and Durbin were joined by Sens. Charles Schumer of
New York, the newly named vice chairman of the Democratic
caucus, and Patty Murray of Washington, caucus secretary.
Those are the third-and fourth-ranking positions in
theDemocratic leadership lineup.
Reid has been a consistent opponent of most free-trade
deals and, along with Schumer, voted against NAFTA in the
fall of 1993.
Murray, asserting that a third of all jobs in her state
depend on trade, voted for the pact that linked the United
States, Canada and Mexico in NAFTA, as well as other
similar deals.
But, she added, “Where we have failed in this country
is to enforce those trade agreements.”
Alan Tonelson, a research fellow at theU.S. Business
and Industrial Council Educational Foundation and a
prominent free-trade skeptic, contendedthat past
agreements have in fact amounted to little more than
“outsourcing deals.”
“It is great to see that more and more mainstream
Democrats . . . might be waking up to this, finally,” he
said.
Bill Frenzel, who championed free-trade deals as a
Republican during a 20-year career in the House that ended
in 1991, noted the Senate's traditional embrace of
agreements such as NAFTA and said the emerging hard-line
stance by Reid and his team “is very frightening.”
Frenzel, now a trade expert at the Brookings
Institution, suggested thatit was a payback for organized
labor's efforts to help Democrats gain majorities in the
House and Senate in the midterm elections.
“Labor did its thing for Democrats in this election,
and there is a quid pro quo that is about to be
delivered,” Frenzel said.
In addition to considering a variety of pending
agreements with other countries, Congress will face a
decision next summer on whether to renew the fast-track
law, which restricts Congress to only accepting or
rejecting trade agreements in their entirety.
Durbin said in a brief interview that fast-track's fate
may well be linked to working out an understanding with
the administration that future trade deals should contain
enforceable provisions on labor rights and environmental
protections.
Many former trade negotiators and other experts say
that foreign governments are generally reluctant to accept
such requirements.
However, a bilateral trade agreement with Jordan six
years ago requires the two countries to enforce the labor
and environmental laws already on their books.
Gary Hufbauer, a trade expert with the Peterson
Institute of International Economics, said the view of the
new Senate leadership could complicate things as trade
deals with Peru and Colombia await congressional action.
“To get them through is going to require a real
conversion on the road . . . to Lima,” Hufbauer said.
“That is going to be real heavy lifting by the moderates.”