WASHINGTON – With
their control of Congress ended decisively by voters coast
to coast, Republicans of all ideological stripes wasted no
time last week pointing fingers as they began jockeying
for position to remake the party.
Conservative leaders spent the days after their defeat
racing to TV studios and microphones to insist that the
Republican Party – and not conservatism – is to blame for
what President Bush ruefully called a “thumpin'.”
Pat Toomey, president of the Club for Growth,
complained that the party had strayed from its goal of
limiting government's growth and argued that the election
“was not a repudiation of conservatism – of conservative
ideas and values. It was a rejection of the Republican
Party.”

Richard Viguerie, a
longtime conservative activist, was even harsher,
declaring that the entire Republican leadership in
Congress should be fired for the betrayal of conservatives
and “values” voters. “Today starts the new war for the
heart and soul of the Republican Party,” he declared.
The few GOP moderates left standing after Tuesday's
election were not willing to back down and cede the
rebuilding to the party's conservatives.
The head of the moderate Republican Main Street
Partnership blamed the outcome on “a handful of zealots”
who had ignored “the middle of the American electorate.”
“The extreme right has had their turn at the wheel, and
the results have proven devastating for our party and our
country,” said Sarah Chamberlain Resnick, executive
director of the partnership.
Post-election ideological sniping is a familiar ritual
of American politics. Many analysts contend that the
modern Republican Party rose from the ashes of its
landslide defeat in the 1964 presidential election and a
subsequent intramural power struggle. Similarly, electoral
setbacks in the 1980s spawned a robust debate within
Democratic ranks, which led to a more centrist message
that helped Bill Clinton win the White House in 1992.
“Anytime there is a political setback, people will use
that to advance their agendas,” said Jack Pitney, a
political scientist at Claremont McKenna College.
But, he said, the tussle over ideology may be missing
the point.
“The main reason for the defeat was Iraq, which is
something political activists can't do anything about,”
Pitney said. “It is a matter of foreign policy.”
GOP strategist Joe Gaylord urged fellow Republicans to
take a breath and allow passions to cool.
“The truth is that we need to let the dust settle here
a little bit, think through – again – who we are and where
we're going. And then plot our course for the future,”
said Gaylord, a key strategist in the 1994 Republican
takeover of Congress.
There may not be much time for that.
On Friday, Republicans in the House plan to fill
leadership posts, several of which are hotly contested.
GOP senators will choose their leaders two days earlier
with only one battle looming. Tennessee Sen. Lamar
Alexander is a declared contender for the second-ranking
post of minority whip. Sen. Trent Lott of Mississippi also
is expected to be a candidate. Sen. Mitch McConnell of
Kentucky is in line to become minority leader.
Then, in January, Ken Mehlman will surrender his
position as chairman of the Republican National Committee
when his term expires.
Meanwhile, jockeying for the party's 2008 presidential
nomination already is well under way.
Some analysts have concluded that the midterm election
results will almost certainly move congressional
Republicans to the right.
“The liberal wing of the GOP suffered a
disproportionate share of the losses,” said Thomas
Schaller, a political scientist at the University of
Maryland Baltimore County and an expert on Congress' power
blocs.
“When you take the moderates out of the Republican
wing, that's going to make the party more conservative.
There's no question about that,” he said.
Meeting with reporters two days after the election,
Mehlman spoke forcefully against “finger pointing” and
urged fellow Republicans to be a “big-tent party that is
always growing, that is always inclusive and that doesn't
have a litmus test as to issues.”
Some conservatives are leery of the concept.
Republicans are headed for a “black hole” if the party
should “abandon its pro-moral, pro-family and pro-life
base,” said James Dobson, founder of Focus on the Family,
a conservative Christian nonprofit.
In that event, he said, “the big tent will turn into a
three-ring circus.”
Chamberlain Resnick, leader of the moderate Main Street
Partnership, blamed Toomey and the Club for Growth for
weakening GOP moderate candidates with primary election
attacks and specifically for “knocking Chafee out.”
Sen. Lincoln Chafee, R-R.I., lost his re-election bid
to Democrat Sheldon Whitehouse by a 6-percentage-point
margin.
The Club for Growth mounted a sustained attack on
Chafee during a divisive Republican primary. The club took
him to task for, among other things, supporting an
increase in the minimum wage, voting for too many federal
spending bills and refusing to sign a no-tax-increase
pledge.
“They went in to bloody people up,” Chamberlain Resnick
said. “Linc Chafee was severely damaged coming out of his
primary.”
Veteran GOP strategist Charlie Black said, “Neither is
right and neither is wrong. The Republican Party cannot
adopt a platform or a set of issue positions and demand
that everybody adhere to it 100 percent. There are
moderate Republicans in the Northeast who probably aren't
going to win by being more conservative.”
Black agreed with Toomey that Republicans have been
hurt politically by “the perception that we've let
spending get out of control, that we're no different than
the Democrats on spending. I think that's true.”